“America’s Security and Taiwan’s Freedom “(節錄版,若要引述,請註明作者與標題)

July 4, 2014


© Jay Tsu-yi Loo


I. Appeasement of China will endanger U.S. homeland security


The rise of China poses grave challenges not only to U.S. national security but ultimately to America’s survival as a fully independent democratic nation. To keep the peace, the U.S. must face this reality, discard the culture of excessive deference to Beijing’s wishes, and implement policies to maintain military superiority, both conventional and nuclear, including cyber war and space war capabilities; reduce the persistent trade deficit and stanch the flow of U.S. wealth to China; steer China towards democratization, by engaging Chinese civic groups which favor democracy and by preserving Taiwan’s freedom as a model for China to follow; strengthen regional alliances, particularly with Japan and South Korea; and engage China in economic and strategic dialogue, to promote fair trade and to avoid misunderstanding.


II. Abandonment of Taiwan will lead to geostrategic disaster


While Chiang Kai-shek’s troops occupied the island on behalf of allied forces at the end of World War II, in the 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty Japan merely gave up its title to Taiwan and no beneficiary was named. It is the official position of the U.S. that the international status of Taiwan is still undetermined. Thus, the Republic of China (ROC) government which rules Taiwan has no sovereignty over Taiwan. China’s claim on Taiwan is weak on both historical and legal grounds.[ix]


China wants to acquire Taiwan for two main reasons. Taiwan’s democracy is a threat to the CCP’s autocratic and repressive rule. China needs Taiwan as a military base from which to project power into the Pacific and Indian Oceans.


If Taiwan were to fall by PLA coercion or internal subversion, the U. S. would suffer a geostrategic disaster.


It is more likely that Chinese acquisition of Taiwan would trigger a chain of events resulting in China’s hegemony over East Asia.


III. The relevance of Taiwan’s democracy


For the past three decades, successive U.S. presidents have adopted a policy of engagement with China: opening our market to Chinese products, thus enabling China’s rapid economic growth and embracing the People’s Republic as a member of the civilized community of nations, thus enhancing the legitimacy of the CCP rule in the eyes of the Chinese citizens. This policy is based on the theory that economic reform will inevitably lead to political liberalization and democratic transformation in China. A democratic China will be friendly toward the U.S. and will not pursue expansionist policy towards its neighbors. Therefore, the U.S., should welcome the emergence of an ever more powerful China.


This theory of a benign China has not panned out. China now claims that the whole South China Sea as its core interest. Beijing continues to imprison hundreds of thousands of political dissidents, including Nobel Laureate Liu Xiaobo.


The CCP abhors democracy as its Nemesis for several reasons. First, democratization means the demolition of the Party’s Leninist monopoly of power, whereby the ruling elite and cadres enrich themselves at the expense of ordinary citizens. Second, once the grip on governmental means of coercion is lost, emboldened citizens would demand settlement of accounts for the Party’s past sins, e.g., the endemic malfeasance of party officials and the tens of millions of Chinese who perished during the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution. Third, the CCP is convinced Western democracy is incompatible with Chinese culture and Chinese imperial and hierarchical tradition. Finally, the CCP believes its socialist government is more efficient in achieving national goals such as economic growth, building a powerful military and ultimately world domination.


The preservation of Taiwan as an independent democracy is in accord with the interests of the U.S. and its democratic allies in Asia precisely because Taiwan’s democracy is a thorn in the side of the CCP. Taiwan is a beacon of hope for those Chinese who aspire to a more open society with rule of law, freedom of expression and religion and in which people can freely elect their officials and representatives at all levels of government. Taiwan’s experience disproves the fallacy that democratic values are incompatible with Asian culture. An independent Taiwan hinders China’s projection of power into the Pacific and Indian Oceans and safeguards the vital sea lines of communication for Japan and South Korea. So the preservation of Taiwan’s freedom contributes directly to the peace and stability of East Asia and beyond.


IV. China’s growing nuclear capability


The greatest threat to America’s homeland security is not a terrorist attack by a dirty bomb, it is an unexpected nuclear Pearl Harbor! In the late 1990's, a PLA specialist wrote a classified report for the Pentagon’s Office of Net Assessment. The author, an adviser to the Defense Secretary, did the pioneer study of PLA military doctrine. He was worried that the PLA may one day launch a massive nuclear attack against the US and that the US will never anticipate such nuclear surprise attack because of cultural differences. Having gone through the KMT’s patriotism education in Taiwan, I would not dismiss out of hand the possibility of PLA launching a nuclear Pearl Harbor against the US homeland. For a prominent American scholar to conceive of such danger is intriguing and surprising.


The Middle Kingdom syndrome and irrational Chinese nationalism combined with the PLA’s growing military capability could pose a grave threat to peace and stability not only of Asia but the whole world. Taiwanese Americans, because of our education, exposure to Chinese culture and experience with the KMT rule, know the Chinese ambition to dominate the world. We have a responsibility to point out the danger of complacency in dealing with the rising China to the U.S. government and the general public.


V. How can the U.S. safeguard Taiwan’s freedom


Assuming that Washington has the wisdom to realize the importance of Taiwan’s freedom to peace and stability of East Asia and ultimately to the security of the U.S. homeland, what can the U.S. do to preserve Taiwan’s de facto independence from the PRC?


First, the U.S. should make clear its position that the so-called Republic of China government has no legitimate sovereignty over Taiwan. Washington should reiterate the U.S. policy that the future of Taiwan must be resolved peacefully and with the express assent of the Taiwanese people.


Second, the Obama administration should work with Congress to speed up the sale of advanced fighters and other weapons useful in resisting a PLA invasion of the island.


Washington should also initiate high level contacts between the militaries of the U.S. and Taiwan, to boost Taiwan’s morale and readiness and to help counter any subversive activities within Taiwan. Such exchanges could include port calls by U.S. navy ships.


Third, the U.S. should actively assist Taiwan in reducing its excessive economic dependence on China. Bringing Taiwan into the Trans-Pacific Partnership at an early stage would help.


Lastly, the U.S. should send high level officials to Taiwan, to meet with opposition parties, non-governmental organizations and civic groups throughout the island, in order to monitor the volatile situation there. The Ma administration continues to push hard for an early unification with China, while opposition to such betrayal is mounting. The resultant social upheaval could well trigger PLA military intervention. The US could be caught off guard by a challenge to its credibility as a Pacific power.


The CCP leadership grasps the political and strategic value of Taiwan to China’s expansionist ambitions. Hopefully, U.S. leaders will also recognize the importance of Taiwan to American’s national interests and will adopt timely measures to forestall a seminal geostrategic disaster for the United States.


VI. Conclusion


The acquisition of Taiwan will propel China toward expansionism and eventual conflict with the United States. "Taiwan’s security is ultimately America’s security as well," to quote the late New York Congressman Gerald Solomon.[xiii]


So Taiwanese Americans need to remind America’s policy elite that Taiwan’s freedom is vital to US homeland security.


The U.S. should be brave enough to uphold this principle of self-determination for the people of Taiwan, because doing so is ultimately in the best interest of the United States.


Winston Churchill once said America will eventually do the right thing but not before exhausting all other possibilities. In engaging the People’s Republic our foremost objective should not be to avoid Beijing’s displeasure and America’s security should not be dependent on China’s good will.


Let us hope that the United States will do the right thing, sooner rather than later, as the cost of complacency and delay will be high.


(Jay Loo is a Distinguished Fellow of the International Assessment and Strategy Center, a research institution based in Washington, D.C. and a member of the North America Taiwanese Professors’ Association. The views expressed herein do not necessarily represent those of IASC or NATPA.)


做日本人也好 做美國人也好,建台灣國也好 就是不要做沒人格 沒國格 三權不分立 沒法制 假民主的ROC公民




David C. Chou

Founder, Formosa Statehood Movement

(an organization devoted in current stage to making Taiwan a territorial commonwealth of the United States)


台美人盧主義前輩: 台灣和美國的安全問題是有連帶關係的,台灣若被攻陷,美國本土的安全也會受到中國的威脅(二之二)


第六,台灣建州運動一向的認知是: (1)台灣人民有無法逃避與推卸的防衛台灣的責任,但卻無力承擔全部的防衛責任,因此,美國必須承擔防衛台灣的大部分責任。(2)台灣的安全最終必須仰賴美國保衛台灣的意願、意志與實力,美國必須確實履行「台灣關係法」中軍售台灣和協助台灣建軍自衛的義務以及維持抵抗中國以武力脅迫及危害台灣的能力。(3)日本也必須負起保衛台灣的部分責任,在美日同盟與安保的體制之下。(4)台灣的安全攸關美國、日本及中國周邊的國家的安全,所以,不僅是美國與日本,連中國周邊的所有東亞國家都必須對台灣的安全加以關切及協助。有鑒於此,建州運動準備在美國組建「美台安全合作理事會」,這個構想在幾年前就已提出,但直到今年,我們才能在美國進行籌組的工作。


第七,由於盧前輩近年來十分重視美國的安全與台灣的安全的關連性,所以,今年(2014)在賓州的East Stroudsburg University舉辦的「第45屆美東台灣人夏令會」就是以此為主題。這項設計具體表現在(1)三個主題演講,包括Prof. Aaron Friedberg以”The Future of U.S.-Taiwan Relations”為題的演說、Randall Schriver以”U.S. Rebalance to Asia and Taiwan”為題的演說以及盧前輩以”America’s Security and Taiwan’s Freedom” 為題的演說,(2)張繼昭前輩、賴怡忠、周威霖分別以”Peace Association of Southeast Asia”、「日本及台美關係」與「台美關係及台灣前途」為題的相關演講,還有(3)張繼昭前輩、郭正昭教授和周威霖等三人做為講員、以「台灣的危機與美國的政策」為題的座談會上。










【本報記者陳如媜華府報導】今年的美東台灣人夏令會多采多姿,來自全美各地和台灣的600多位鄉親7月初在賓州東史翠斯堡大學(East Stroudsburg University)歡聚,許多家庭甚至祖孫三代參加,共渡難得的四天假期,時值盛夏卻天氣涼爽,宿舍旁還有涼亭可供納涼聊天或遊戲,讓鄉親享受一段美好時光。會場布置更是匠心獨具,兩旁開滿太陽花,大會還專程從台南訂作太陽花帽子,活動期間只見太陽花處處開,留下美麗的回憶。






4日開幕式,夏令會理事長陳初雄、總召翁進治(Helen Loo)等主要幹部分別致詞歡迎,隨即展開一連串研討會,開場由盧主義主持,邀請現任美國智庫2049計畫室執行長的前亞太副助理國務卿薛瑞福(Randall Schriver)談美國的亞洲再平衡政策與台灣,普林斯頓大學政治與國際事務教授福萊柏(Aaron Friedberg)分析未來美中關係,盧主義談美國安全與台灣自由。








這次大會安排的藝文講座非常精彩,暢銷書”The Third Son”台美人作家Julie Wu 介紹她的心路歷程,蔡明峰談選舉時網路媒體的力量,王文隆敘述建立台美人歷史的計畫,還有醫藥健康、文學創作、股市分析、台語文、插花、音樂等等美不勝收,特別值得一提的是:遠從加州邀請台灣茶葉大使許正龍與潘掬慧夫婦前來推廣台灣茶葉,許氏夫婦畢生致力宣揚台灣茶,7年前首創「TOST」活動,每年10月組團帶領外國朋友到台灣學茶,親身下田,學習茶葉從栽種、採收、製造到完成的過程,團員人數精簡僅限約20人,過程非常辛苦,但他們甘之如飴,不為營利只為推廣台灣好茶,精神可佩,當天現場講解生動,並示範泡茶,聽眾中還有外國朋友認真作筆記,稱讚收獲豐富。








[註: 夏令會的籌備委員會召集人是盧主義夫人Helen Loo]







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